Women s Role For Terrorism Essay - 2139 Words

Women who choose to engage in terrorism have been the subjects of a growing body of literature. The approach and focus of which has been varied, including contributions from a range of academic fields. Gender is significant to understanding female violence because it is atypical to the traditional conceptualisation of violence and war. There is an obvious juncture in the feminist understanding of this topic as identified by Jacques and Taylor (2009). For them, there are two distinct ways that female terrorists and the intrinsic link to gender have been understood (Jacques and Taylor, 2009: 505). On one hand, there are those that view a women’s role in terrorism as strategic. It is seen as an effective tactic as it exploits the target states’ gender stereotypes (Laster and Erez, 2015, Bloom, 2005). Nacos (2005) views the narratives attributed to female terrorists as a tactical choice used to exploit the target state’s inherent gender biases to further terrorist agendas (2005: 448). The main purpose of this work is to encourage policy makers to take these depictions into account when creating counter terrorism measures and to be aware of the use of females as a tactic. This is similar to the work of O’Rourke (2009) who endeavours to show the strategic benefits of female suicide terrorism. Through the comparison of terrorist groups that both have and don’t have women among their ranks, she highlights the strategic advantages of employing women (O’Rourke, 2009: 684). FromShow MoreRelatedAs Shown By The British Security Service Mi5 And The French858 Words   |  4 PagesBritish security service MI5 and the French government’s estimations of the current threat level of international terrorism, respectively defined as SEVERE in the United Kingdom (Security Service MI5, 2016) and HIGH in France (French Government, n.d.), terrorism is considered to be among the most significant security threat nowadays. Understandi ng what encourages the development of terrorism and being able to develop effective counterterrorism strategies is therefore a central goal to many governmentsRead MoreThe four waves of modern terrorism1563 Words   |  7 PagesModern terrorism, as deduced from this literature, is acts to violence strategically used by secular groups spanning international borders with the aim of achieving a desired outcome. Further, it can be seen as organized activity whose genesis can be traced back to the 1880’s. From then to now there are identifiable traits and patterns observed from different (terrorist) groups which have allowed for the conceptualization of the term modern terrorism. This concept therefore, can be best explainedRead MoreIndian Foreign Policies : India s Free Global Market And Predictability Of More Economic Development799 Words   |  4 Pagesnations to get benefitted in its annual meeting. When these highly industrialized nations are discussing multifaceted pro blems like Terrorism, Environment, women empowerment, economic development, global economic balance etc. Indian foreign policies reflect its agenda for equal distance with multipolar world representing worlds superpowers. Which has indebted India s free global market and predictability of more economic development nowadays. A G7 Nations meeting so far by and large revolves aroundRead MoreRoles of Special Interest Groups Essay examples1472 Words   |  6 Pagesï » ¿ Roles of Special Interest Groups AJS/552 October 13, 2014 Roger Long Roles of Special Interest Groups Today women have more rights than they have ever had, but it came at a price. Over 40 years ago a case brought before the U.S. Supreme Court laid the foundation for women who wanted to have a choice, this choice was abortion. The famous case Roe v. Wade paved the path for women all over the United States to make their choice in the matter of pregnancy. However, there have beenRead MoreMarriage Practices And Beliefs Have Changed Tremendously1738 Words   |  7 Pagesabout marriage practices all over the world along with some of the unimaginable things such as suicide terrorism. Today, tradition is something of the old. It is always evolving with the times and changes in the world. Marriage practices have changed tremendously. When it comes to marriage, all cultures respect and honors its own marriage practice. In today s society, we tend to self-judge another s culture marriage practices because it is not the traditional marriage that we were brought believingRead MoreTerrorism Is A Modern Political And Economic Topic On America1376 Words   |  6 PagesTerrorism has become a modern political and economic topic in America. It is the existence of Terrorists attacks in America that has changed the way people travels both domestic and foreign and also now viewed as an issue and conflicts that exist within the nation’s borders and domestically (Shemella, 373 ). The United States has since be a country with ideal ability to protect the many citizens from attacks and live in peace, but the infiltration of terrorist has kept a change in Americans heartRea d MoreArmenian Secret Army For The Liberation Of Armenia1365 Words   |  6 Pages The second case will be represented by nationalist terrorism. In this case study I will Identify and describe the groups involved. The terrorist group for this case study will be Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA). Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia was a Marxist-Leninist Armenian terrorist group was founded in 1975 with the intention of compelling the Turkish Government to acknowledge publicly its alleged responsibility for killing over 1.5 million innocentRead MoreEssay on Black Women and the Crooked Room1226 Words   |  5 Pagesuses the analogy of the â€Å"crooked room† to explain how Black women transform themselves into the societal roles of a Eurocentric society. The crooked room analogy is society’s portrayal of Black women, based on stereotypes justified by slavery. The challenge Black women face is standing upright in the crooked r ooms of society. For example, the unsung civil rights leader Ella Baker, unintimidated by the men who devalued the advice of women in the civil rights movement. She helped organize SouthernRead MoreWestern Media And Its Coverage Of Terrorism1155 Words   |  5 Pageson the false conviction that the world is flat, like a map, s/he will believe it until proven otherwise. When s/he is presented with a three dimensional sphere, s/he will deny that the object is an accurate portrayal of the world, because all s/he knows is that the world is flat. But if another child grows up on the true conviction that the world can be viewed flat as well as three-dimensional, then being presented with the a globe, s/he will accept that both are legitimate ways to view Earth. Read MoreThe Threat Of Terrorist Attacks988 Words   |  4 Pagesthat their malicious act will cause sufficient social anxiety that society will pressure the government to concede to the group s demands. Suicide terrorist attack s, the execution of which requires the terrorists to sacrifice his or her life, have grown in number since the late 1990s (Santifort-Jordan Sandler 2014, 981). According to Robert Pape (2003), suicide terrorism is rising around the world, but the most common explanations do not help us understand why. Terrorist organizations are increasingly

It Is General Knowledge That Being Abused As A Child Will

It is general knowledge that being abused as a child will leave lasting impressions on them even into their adult life. The severity of the abuse does change how much of an impression was made, but, nonetheless, abuse leaves nothing but negative results. It will affect how children handle issues and communicate with others. It will likely worsen their grades in school and, if the child’s relationship with their parents is still bad, they will continue into a downward spiral later on in life. People who have experienced abuse as children will experience thoughts of inadequacy and/or superiority, depression, anxiety, PTSD, and even personality disorders. Depending on the type of abuse, some children might develop paranoia, OCD, psychosis,†¦show more content†¦Similarly, a longitudinal study found that physically abused children were at greater risk of being arrested as juveniles, being a teen parent, and less likely to graduate high school. Abuse in children also result s in a negative effect on their ability to maintain healthy and intimate relationships later in life. If a survivor of child sexual abuse has not been in therapy or been helped along the way to cope with their abuse history, there is a range of effects that stem from the abuse. Depending upon each individual survivor’s trauma history, different mental illnesses can manifest. The mental illnesses could range from anxiety to personality disorders depending on factors such as severity and frequency of abuse. When humans are young, their world revolves around their parents or primary caregivers. Parents or caregivers are the primary source of safety, security, love, understanding, nurturance and support. Child abuse violates the trust at the core of a child’s relationship with the world. When the primary relationship is one of betrayal, a negative set of beliefs develops. Emotional abuse can also lead to overwhelming feelings of inadequacy and the need to overcompensate in order for a child to â€Å"prove their worth†. People know at a base level that everything a person experiences as a child affects them continuously throughout life, but there are those people who do not take this fact to heart and treat children asShow MoreRelatedEffect of Child Abuse in Our Society1405 Words   |  6 Pages EFFECT OF CHILD ABUSE IN OUR SOCIETY INTRODUCTION Child abuse is the physical, sexual, emotional abandonment and/or maltreatment of a child. Child abuse is a latent function of some families that is not intended but happens anyway. Child abuse is often seen differently, depending on various cultures, societies, and groups. We as a society cannot really understand the effect of â€Å"Child Abuse in Our Society† unless we have the grasp knowledge of what child abuse actually is. ThisRead MoreChild Abuse And Neglect Is The Act Of Maltreating A Child Essay1708 Words   |  7 Pages child Abuse and Neglect In America Child Abuse is the act of maltreating a child. Abusing of a child can be by the parents, guardians or caregiver. More than five children die every day as a result of child abuse and neglect. Eighty percent of these children are under the age of four. We have close to sixteen million children in America and every child deserved a short at the American dream. When every child gets a fair chance at success, AmericanRead MoreDefinitions of Child Abuse and Neglect1422 Words   |  6 PagesChild abuse is defined as the mistreatment of a child by a parent or guardian (dictionary.com). The different types of child abuse are emotional, neglect, physical, and sexual; abuse each having unique signs for the specific type of abuse. Child abuse can have many effects throughout an individual’s development including the possibility of the repeating abuse to their own children when they have a family. According to the textbook â€Å"Human Development,† emotional abuse or maltreatment is the rejectionRead MoreThe Trauma of Childhood Sexual Abuse Essay1694 Words   |  7 Pagespath. The definition of child sexual abuse is the force, coercion, or cajoling of children into sexual activities by a dominant adult or adolescent. Sexual abuse of children includes touching (physical) sexually including: fondling; penetration (vaginal or anal using fingers, foreign objects or offenders organs; oral sex, or non-physical contact including: sexual comments; indecent exposures; masturbating in a child’s presence; child prostitution or child pornography (Child Welfare, 2009a). Read MoreChild Sexual Abuse And Child Abuse1308 Words   |  6 PagesChild sexual abuse is a problem that many people are still unaware of. Currently, one in twenty boys and one in five girls are sexually abused (Child Sexual Abuse Fact Sheet). In the past, children’s accusations of sexual abuse have not been believed (Berk 352). Many children told adults, yet still had to carry the burden, as adults, of their rapist never being caught. However, now, people are recognizing the truth and are trying to come up with a solution (Berk 352). Despite the increased effortRead MorePsychological And Social Aspects Of Child Abuse895 Words   |  4 PagesChild abuse has been an ongoing problem throughout the years that can affect a child from infancy all throughout adulthood. There are three kinds of child abuse. The first one is emotional abuse, it involves the psychological and social aspects of child abuse. It is usually seen when a parent cares more about their personal needs an d goals rather than their children. The type of parenting style is characterized as overt aggression towards children or intimidation and manipulation. The parentsRead More Investigating the Long-Term Effects of Physical Child Abuse Essay1057 Words   |  5 Pageschildren being abused by someone who is supposed to protect them. An estimated 905,000 children were victims of child abuse or neglect in 2006(Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2008). In 1996, more than three million victims of suspected abuse were reported to child protective services agencies in the United States (Baker, 2002). The numbers have changed and still many cases of abuse go unreported. The number of incidences of child abuse rises when the family is under stress, such as being in ourRead MoreChild Abuse Is An Issue That s Going On Every Day1037 Words   |  5 PagesChild abuse is an issue that’s going on every day. Child abuse is defined as harmful behaviors against children which can become psycholo gical. Child abuse includes different conditions. It can harm children and teenagers in different ways, including being abused sexually, physically abused, child neglect, emotional neglect and abuse, and failure to thrive. These conditions can effect a child or a teenager’s in different ways. It can interfere with the way the child turns out to be in the futureRead MoreFailure Of Protect Laws And Their Harmful Effects On Abused Mothers915 Words   |  4 Pagesâ€Æ' Failure to Protect Laws and their Harmful Effects on Abused Mothers Violence against women has been, and continues to be, a problem in the United States. Domestic violence especially is a large part of today’s society. It accounts for 21% of all violent crime (Truman Morgan, 2014), and one in three women have experienced physical violence at the hands of an intimate partner in their lifetime (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2010). Three women lose their lives to domestic violenceRead MoreChild Abuse And Neglect Data System1521 Words   |  7 PagesChild abuse is far too common. When the neighbors, teachers and social workers turn their heads to the physical and psychological indicators, abuse can become fatal. Like most crimes, this will not evaporate exclusively due to knowledge magnitude on this subject but with the education we can provide on this matter, we can work to building a path to better protect our children. Child abuse that leads to the murder of an innocent child is something that can be prevented. In this presenta tion you will

Take America Back Free Essays

The Christian Right and Major Players’ Influence in the Values of Middle and Working Class America† Introduction! It’s February 2011. Barack Obama is the president of the United States. Despite sagging poll numbers, a slowly recovering economy is supporting the push of health care reform. We will write a custom essay sample on Take America Back or any similar topic only for you Order Now The Democratic Party controls the Senate. The Republicans, led by midterm-elected John Bonder, control the House. Progress is tedious, but moving. Disdain for the President, spurred on by mass media and the murmurings of the Tea Party, is gripping hold of what seems to be a substantive chunk of voting Americans. Wing for the Republican nomination, looking to feed off these energies, Georgia businessman Herman Cain stands in front of a crowd at the Conservative Political Action Conference. Cain is good at the rhetoric. He takes the underpinnings of conservative media and turns them on the crowd. † â€Å"Stupid people are ruining America,† he says to applause. â€Å"It’s sad†¦ I’m talking about the liberals. They don’t have tactics. They don’t have a strategy. They have an objective. The objective of the liberals is to destroy this country. The objective of the liberals is to make America mediocre Just like everybody else who aspires to be like America. † Cain takes in the applause and pauses for the audience to sit down. â€Å"They are trying to destroy this country at all costs! â€Å"† Fast forward to March 2014. Americans have seen the failings of the roll of Beam’s Affordable Care Act. Hobby Lobby has refused to offer birth control to its 2 employees under the plan, citing their religious beliefs. Arizona governor Jan Brewer has vetoed a bill that would have allowed businesses to refuse service to LIGHT people. Seizing the opportunity, former congresswoman Michele Buchanan gets on the radio with a conservative talk show host. † l think the thing that is getting a little tiresome, the gay community, they have so bullied the American people, and they’ve so intimidated politicians. † She goes on to insinuate that the â€Å"liberals† have initiated an attack on religious Americans: â€Å"Just like we need to observe tolerance for the gay and lesbian community, we need to have tolerance for the community of people who hold sincerely held religious beliefs. † † This type of speech from right-wing populists isn’t anything new. In fact, it’s been surfacing for some time, since the mid-twentieth century, a stand against the moving regressive of women’s rights, civil rights, challenges to the traditional patriarchy, and fear of communism. Pushed for some time beginning with post-World War II and beyond, today, rabid defense of religious libe rty and unapologetic perpetuation of deregulated capitalism as a divine force infiltrates the very fiber of American political, public, and religious discourse. This project will examine several angles, arguments, and accounts of the power of right wing populism, religiously motivated or otherwise, in the mainstay underbelly of middle and working class white America. Presupposing that this regiment of withdrawing American â€Å"conservatives† is modernly strong and the consideration of it is worthwhile, I will offer research and commentary. To accomplish this, I will consider several academic and media sources, authored by political scientists, religious studies scholars, sociologists, philosophers, and ethnographers. 3 The main concepts necessary for context on this project are two. First, I will take into account William E. Connelly â€Å"Christian-capitalist resonance machine,† an idea articulated in his 2008 book Capitalism and Christianity, American Style. Second, a good deal of this study will focus on analysis of Thomas Franks 2004 book What’s the Matter with Kansas? : How Conservatives Won the Heart of America and his notion of a â€Å"backlash culture. â€Å"† These two trends, as they may be called, are powerful and are ingrained into American political culture, embedded in a power structure of the Right Wing, both Christian and secular. Now, the backlash drives the Right Wing, and the Wing itself is a volleying voice in the Christian-capitalist resonance machine. Importantly, however, these trends did not always exist and emerged over some time. † † So my thesis argument is this: the unconditional accepting of the Christian- capitalist resonance machine has been growing in the national discourse of government over time, beginning with anti-communist movements after the Second World War and a wave of Southern evangelicalism establishing an effective empire on the tails of earlier labor movements. This coincidentally intersected with the changing face of populism to resent the progressivism of the second half of the Twentieth Century, namely desegregation, increased legality for abortion, and increased teaching of evolutionary science in public schools. This occurred as the Right learned from its failings during the Goldwater campaign and transformed itself into a force ready for alliance with the Christian Right, which itself had become more powerful on account of television and radio. Now, nostalgic sentiments of a supposedly better America in the past permeate the psyche of a white middle and working class that dollies the Christian-capitalist 4 resonance machine and unleashes blame of what it perceives to be moral flaws at the feet of the â€Å"liberals,† effectively promulgating a backlash culture. † † I will supplement the study of those two trends with theoretical methods of interpretation, analysis, and study, heavily relying on Sarah Diamond’s 1995 book Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States. With Diamond as a starting point to understand the comprehensive formation of power to create a culture of backlash and Connelly Christian-capitalist resonance machine, pushed by an unlikely alliance of libertarians, evangelicals, conservatives, and moderates, I will add to her analysis with other scholars, most notably Michael Akin, Darrel Docks, and Lisa McGuire. † Thomas Frank, Joe Pageant and the Backlash Culture! Patriotism has woven itself deeply into this generation’s personality. The attacks on September 1 1, 2001 solidified a culture of burgeoning nationalism. The United States became an identity for many young people in a new, vibrant way. To disgrace the flag is to disgrace the people who were victims in terrorist attacks and to undermine the military, whose interest, after all, is rooted not in violence but in protection. The PATRIOT Act of 2001 called into question the importance of personal privacy in an era with the nation’s enemies are technologically as’. N. And that foe is n insurgency with no national ties, but who seemingly target the red, white, and blue hostilely. For a time, resulting from disgust for the French for seemingly not supporting the Just cause of the 5 United States, French fries were Jokingly renamed â€Å"freedom fries† and the French kiss dubbed the â€Å"All-American lip lock. â€Å"† Even discarding trivial pop culture phenomena like these, it is clear that the government denial that bubbled toward the end and in the aftermath of the War in Vietnam became questionable at best for the public in the early new millennium. President Bush, to many, represented a strong, moral, religiously devout leader hose intentions in super sizing the United States military were only a vehicle through which to enact democratic change on behalf of oppressed people in the Middle East, specifically in Afghanistan and Iraq. For a time, intervention in the Middle East was patriotic and an offshoot of the De facto mission of the nation: that all people should be free and entitled to certain rights of privacy and prosperity in a venue of individualism and free exchange of ideas. This obsession with capitalism with shades of manifest destiny eventually wavered when it was clear that there old be no â€Å"winning† the War on Terror, at least for the time being. It wasn’t until President Barack Obama announced the death of Osama bin Laden at the hands of Seal Team Six in 2011 that it looked like the insurgent al-Qaeda was on the run at A growing disparity of wealth in the United States resulting partially from offshore labor and the continuing success of Internet companies coupled with an unwavering patriotism in the new millennium. What used to be a substantially sized white middle class in the United States was either being absorbed into the upper class or pushed downward into the working class. Combine this with a recession at the hands of the housing market collapse and you have an environment rich for what political scientist 6 Thomas Frank calls â€Å"backlash culture† Just at the time that Barack Obama took the oath in January 2009. † In What’s the Matter with Kansas? How Conservatives Won the Heart of America, Frank discusses how a progressive hub like Kansas gradually turned into a prototypical example of the effects of the New Right on the middle of America and became symbolic of what he calls the â€Å"backlash culture. â€Å"† † Backlash, by definition, is reaction to social change among a mass group of people toward what they feel is an outside, intervening power. For our purposes, the backlash of the second half of the twentieth century can be boiled down to a dist rust of both big government and Wall Street powers, both of which are run by the elite and neglect the average, pious American. However, according to Frank, an opportunist group of conservatives hijacked the distrust and malaise toward elite east-coast and west-coasters and morphed it into a political machine. We will examine this shift more, but it safe to say that Kansas was an exemplary microcosm of such radical change. † Frank alleges that the backlash is a working-class movement hat has done incalculable, historic harm to working-class people and that confident liberals who led America in a previous wave of populism are a dying species. Carefully cultivated derangement in places like Kansas have stirred these movements. The narrative has been perpetuated to paint liberals as out of touch and move Middle America from liberal to staunchly conservative. † Frank is a Kansas insider, having grown up outside Kansas City on the KS side. 7 One of Franks big themes is the idea of â€Å"Two Americas. Fox News, Heartland, and others have espoused two entirely separate Americas where red-starters are down to earth and reverent and blue-starters are lazy and elitist. Kansas used to be extremely progressive, but the red-states dynamic combined with huge telecommunications industries have pushed taxes low and labor cheaper. The huge industries play towns off against each other; it’s economic growth that makes an area less wealthy and less healthy as its population increases. Farm towns are in decay. Deregulated capitalism has allowed Walter to crash local businesses. Huge food reparations have used legislation to get richer while disenfranchising farmers. † Kansas has found its most aggressively pious individuals and elevated them to public officer. He gives an example: the leader of the Wyandotte County Republican Party reportedly once told a reporter, â€Å"Primarily my goal is to build the Kingdom of God† (69), a statement that any secularist might find alarming. Another prominent example of this trend is Sam Brownian, who as Kansas Secretary of Agriculture, may have been responsible for running the state’s small farmers into the grips of large agriculture corporations (73). Ironically, even though he once denounced the presence of PACK money in politics, corporate telecommunications front groups soon funded him and he and eventually voted against McCain-Feinting (74). Some of Franks conclusions to the change of culture in Kansas may be representative of much of middle America. The â€Å"rebels† (as they are called) of Kansas Imagine Georgia, Texas, or much of the Southeast and Midwest. Imagine ideally Massachusetts, New Hampshire, California, Washington, and Oregon. When you are looking for a change in d ialogue, why not find the person who cares hyperbolically the most? Want to tear down federal farm programs and privative utilities because big business has told them to. Towns that are dependent on the government want the â€Å"liberals† to pack up and leave them alone because the Cat Institute and others have created this mindset, and corporations dangle money over their heads because they are mobile and cities are not. † The most consequential shift has been within the Republican Party, which has been pushed more and more to the right. Through the sass, the legislature was dominated by traditional moderate Republicans. This changed in 1991 when a pro- fife group pushed conservatives and rendered Democrats helpless. Strangely, this populist movement was at the heeding of a policy that is is difficult to defeat in legalized abortion. Even so, anti-abortion protesters who were looking to build a â€Å"kingdom of God†, worked harder than the moderates to achieve their success. † † Only the conservatives’ complete opposition to taxes has any sort of tangible use anyway, but they stir the pot and push what would seem to be a class war, except that the war is from the top down, not the bottom up. The working class heroes are even more Republican than their bosses. This echoes Joe Pageant, whom I will mention in a moment. The conservative social critique always boils down to the message that liberals are rich and lazy, and Frank alleges all claims on the right advance from victimized. The backlash suspends material needs for grave social grievances. Frank writes that the backlash movement says that nothing can protect humble Americans from the alien forces of liberalism. For b acklasher, business is natural and good, and the liberals want to destroy business. Frank alleges that Republicans have to lie about being the 9 party of the common man by concealing that huge business is actually their main interest. Then, the backlasher label universities as places of evil â€Å"liberal† elitism, attempting to articulate that the future for them is doomed as well. Thus, conservatives pretend to be â€Å"persecuted, powerless, and blind. â€Å"† The backlash is about individual identity, and those who perpetuate it have used gun control, abortion, and evolution to manipulate voters. Ann-intellectualism is one of their unifying themes. Backlasher blame intellectuals for calling the shots in the political sphere. This anti-intellectualism can be dated back to the sass against New Deal regulations. Then more came in the sass with McCarthy, as we have already seen. Republicans have hijacked several anti-intellectual traditions including Protestant evangelicalism (194) and in every social issue Republicans perceive the same pattern of a conflict of the â€Å"authentic† with the liberal and arrogant. Anti- intellectualism makes pro-life movements central to contemporary conservatism (198). † † The idea that the liberals are calling â€Å"all the shots† in America in a time of a worsening economy and the perceived debilitation of traditional morals affects these average Americans directly. Social movements in LIGHT progress allegedly threaten heir families and religious freedom. The advancement of gun control legislation threatens their sacred constitutional rights. In all, I argue that the election of an Africanizing president contributes to a white fear that the average white American is somehow being made to pay for the inherent advantages in opportunity that they did not choose. † The resonance was that the liberal elite were meddling in the definition of human life with their cliquey liberalism. The backlash movement is becoming permanent in the 10 resonance machine, like the liberals against which they dissent (242). But what it has in common with mainstream culture is the refusal to think about capitalism critically. Because liberals have dropped the class language that distinguished them from Republicans, they have left themselves vulnerable to the cultural wedges. In short, the backlash works. † It is no secret that Frank is writing from a left-leaning perspective, lamenting the ways large businesses like Boeing have taken over legislative imperatives in his hometown. Even so, I think his argument is pessimistic and is one of more description than action, as we will see in Connelly. † In summary, the government backlash has been emerging over time, a product of the response to progressive social movements. Because those social movements were often pushed by those called â€Å"liberals,† the other side of the coin blames the liberals for irrevocable progressivism that has negatively changed the values of the nation. † † Franks commentary connects well with Joe Pageant’s 2007 book Deer Hunting with Jesus: Dispatches from America’s Class War. In a return trip to his home town of rural Virginia, Pageant, a Journalist, condenses interviews and relationships into this book, articulating what he calls the â€Å"American hologram. This hologram is the belief that white people must be middle class, even if they are living paycheck to paycheck. Starkly, Pageant writes,† â€Å"If middle-class Americans do not feel threatened by the slow encroachment of the police state of the PATRIOT Act, it is because they live comfortably enough to exercise 11 their liberties very lightly, never testing the boundaries. You never know you are in prison unless you try the door† (263). † Though Pageant’s people are less the backlasher than Franks people, they are a group of working class white people who have come to ascribe to the political levels of their bosses so as not to hurt their Job status. Pageant tells of a world where â€Å"liberals† are dubbed weak-willed people, and social questions aren’t about complexity, but about good guys versus bad guys (67). A good example of the cause of the malaise that Pageant describes is the actions of Rubberier, who, at the time of publishing, employed a good many of people in his hometown. Walter, in an attempt to lower the prices that Rubberier cost them, began replacing Rubberier with other products. After seeing a sales drop, Rubberier caved, shutting down sixty-nine of its 400 facilities and firing 1 ,OHO workers (76), some of whom Pageant knew. † But for the people Pageant knows, this is the fault of the liberals, partially because they never reached these people with any message at away. As Republicans became uneasy in the sass with change, they trapped into the uneasiness among middle Americans by lamenting the â€Å"loss of community and values and attributing it to the ‘cultural left’s feminism and Antarctica,† etc (82). Guns are American, and liberals are against them. Cultural freedom is American, and liberals are against it. He sums it all up â€Å"That’s what they [the people he knows, whites living paycheck to check] voted for – an armed and moral republic. And that’s what we get when we stand by and At least the Republicans had a message, even if it was only about values. 2 watch the humanity get hammered out of our fellow citizens, letting them be worked cheap and farmed like a human crop for profit† (91). † Finally, the Christian element about which Pageant writes cannot be neglected. He writes, â€Å"you don’t need a degree in sociology to see that the most obvious class indicator in America is religious belief and that religious zeal is concentrated in lowercases and working-class whites† (182). † † Franks culture of backlash is a common one through the history of the United States. There has always been contempt for those in power on the part of a certain sect. In sum, after the Second World War, ideas of anti-communism turned any type of progressivism into a wary opponent to â€Å"true† Americanism. Social Justice between desegregation and increased women’s rights, including eventual rulings on Roe v. Wade, added to a middle class restlessness about changing times, threatening the class’ prosperity. That middle class fed on alleged threats of progressivism to promulgate a backlash culture against the amoral and progressive government, effectively ensuring a discourse of the â€Å"two Americas† in Franks book that were at war for the heart of a real America. Even though there have always been backlash movements, times changed in the twentieth century when mass media became available to the backlogging populists who used a rhetoric of fear to convince others to Join them. This backlash culture culminated at the right time with the Christian Right and the New Right to form a pervasive Christian-capitalist resonance machine. † William E. Connelly and the Christian-capitalist Resonance Machine† 13 In his book Capitalism and Christianity, American Style, William E. Connelly explores how an ethos of existential revenge permeates a culture, including those of â€Å"work, investment, church assemblies, educational practices, modes of consumption, avowing habits, electoral campaigns, and economic theory’ (4). With an ethos a â€Å"shared spirituality,† this theme of revenge has been incorporated into an evangelical wing of Christianity and resonates with â€Å"exclusionary drives and claims to special entitlement running through the cowboy sector of American capitalism† (7). To me, it seems clear that the ethos of existential revenge is another facet of the backlash ultra introduced in the previous section. This ethos of existential revenge exists in a vacuum of what Connelly calls the â€Å"Christian-capitalist resonance machine. † The confluence of backlash culture with the resonance machine creates a powerful motive for political activism in the Right. In his book, Connelly articulates this resonance machine and prop oses a way to combat it. I will summarize his articulations and, at the end of the project, offer analysis and a new thesis of how to combat the resonance machine from the Left. † † Connelly posits as early as page 7 that he would like to explore what it would How to cite Take America Back, Papers